St. Tikhon’s University Review . Series III: Philology

The Armeno-Chalcedonian community could not emerge prior to the Council of Chalcedon (451). If we take into account the almost century-long lacuna between this Council and the perception of its decisions in Armenian Church and society, then we have to assign its emergence to an even later date. It was only at the turn of the 7th century that the non-Chalcedonian Armenian Church worked out its distinctive doctrine. The unity of the ethnic conscience of the Armenians was secured by their common origins, the common territory, historical memories, everyday life, culture and beliefs shared by them, but fi rst and foremost — by their common language. Armenia was not characterized by the linguistic pluralism of the great empires; however, its contacts with the neighboring states introduced into communication their respective languages, among which the most signifi cant were Greek and Georgian. They were penetrating into the Armenian world as means of political, diplomatic, administrative, cultural and confessional communication. From the end of the 10th century onwards the Armeno-Chalcedonians referred to themselves as not only Armenians ethnically, but also as Romaioi or Iberoi — denominationally. Orthodox Armenians which formed a signifi cant part of the Armenian ethnos emerged as a result not of ethnic, but of cultural transformations. These transformations, however, had their own linguistic boundaries. The Greek and Georgian languages, entering Armeno-Chalcedonian culture through liturgical books, secular literature and even through everyday communication, did not push Armenian to the periphery. An analysis of two Armeno-Chalcedonian sources demonstrates that the Armenian linguistic substratum showed itself both in the anonymous work of an author who lived in Armenia in the 7th century and in the Typicon by Gregory Pakurian, written for his monastery in the Balkans which was built in the 11th century. These observations could noticeably undermine the a priori assumption that the members of the Armeno-Chalcedonian community were Hellenized, especially outside the boundaries of Armenia proper, on the territory of Byzantine Empire.

Christian Orient, Armeno-Chalcedonian community, ethnic and denominational conscience, interaction among languages of culture and religious denominations, source study analysis, Narratio de rebus Armeniae (7th cent.), Typicon by Gregory Pakurian (11th ce

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13. Muradjan P. M. 1968 “K voprosu o pervichnosti grecheskoj i gruzinskoj redakcij Tipika Grigora Pakuriana” (To Question about Primacy of Greek and Georgian Redactions of Typikon of Gregorius Pakurian), in Istoriko-filologicheskij zhurnal AN Armjanskoj SSR, Erevan, 1968, vol. 1, pp. 111–120 (na arm. jaz.).
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16. Ter-Sarkisjanc A. E. Istorija i kul'tura armjanskogo naroda (History and Culture of Armenian People), Moscow, 2008.
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18. Shanidze A. G. Gruzinskij monastyr' v Bolgarii i ego tipik. Gruzinskaja redakcija tipika (Georgian Monastery in Bulgaria and Its Typikon. Georgian Redaction of Typikon), Tbilisi, 1971.
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Arutiunova-Fidanian Viada

In the present article its author examined a history of the formation of the Church hierarchy and partly of the secular one, which had been closely interwoven, in the Ethiopian Christian state as well as the relevant situation in the late medieval period on the basis of the data included in the chronicle of the king Täklä Giyorgis I. In the text of that unique source the relations of the king with various Ethiopian churchmen, infl uential courtiers and other high officials are rather thoroughly described. In the light of those relations the structure of the Church hierarchy, the meanings of the titles connected with it and the role of their owners in state and Church activities are noticeable.

Ethiopian Church, history of Ethiopia, Church hierarchy, royal power in Ethiopia, late medieval Ethiopia, the “Era of Princes”, Ethiopia during the period of feudal division, king Täklä Giyorgis I.

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2. Francuzov S. A. 2013 “Buharestskaja versija «Chuda Bogorodicy v Atribe»” (Bucharest Version of “Miracle of God Mother in Atrib”), in Vestnik PSTGU. Ser. III. Filologija, 2013, vol. 5/35, pp. 133–142.
3. Francuzov S. A. 2013 “Tajbitskaja versija «Chuda Bogorodicy v Atribe»” (Tajbit Version of “Miracle of God Mother in Atrib”), in Vestnik PSTGU. Ser. III. Filologija, 2013, vol. 5/35, pp. 143–160.
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21. Kaplan S. 2010 “Pаppas”, in Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, 2010, vol. 4, pp. 113–114.
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23. Nosnitsin D. 2010 “Ras”, in Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, 2010, vol. 4, pp. 330–331.
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Gusarova Ekaterina

The article deals with the unsolved problem of the relationship between the Antiochene theology and the Christology of the Church of the East. Special attention was paid to the problem of the influence exercised by the theological systems of Theodore of Mopsuestia and Nestorius on the development of the East Syrian Church doctrine from the 5th to early 7th centuries, i.e. the most important age in the history of doctrine, and the problem of periodization. The author have studied the main writings of the East Syrian theologians of the period and decisions of the councils (from the council of 486 which officially adopted “Theodorian” Christological scheme to the reception of the “Nestorian” Christology of two hypostases at the assembly of bishops of 612). The study of the Syriac sources allowed of drawing an important conclusion about the heterogeneity of the development of the East Syrian Church doctrine and existence of the two main trends within the Christology of this Church, i.e. the “Theodorian” Christology accepted by Narsai and the “Nestorian” theology that Babai the Great and the bishops who participated in the asssembly of 612 followed.

Antiochene School, Babai the Great, Сhristology, Church of the East, Narsai, Nestorius, Syriac Christianity, Theodore of Mopsuestia.

1. Brok S. 1995 “Hristologija Cerkvi Vostoka” (Christology of Eastern Church), in Vestnik drevnej istorii, Moscow, 1995, vol. 2/213, pp. 39–53.
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4. Seleznev N. N. 2009 “Imja Nestorija kak simvol i vopros ego pochitanija v vostochno-sirijskoj tradicii hristianstva” (Name of Nestorius as Symbol and Question of His Homage in Eastern Syrian Tradition of Christianity), in Simvol, Paris, Moscow, 2009, vol. 55, pp. 257–286.
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6. Seleznev N. N. 2014 “«Poslanie o edinstve» bagdadskogo mel'kita v sostave jenciklopedicheskogo «Svoda» arabojazychnogo kopta XIII veka” (“Letter about Unity” of Bagdad Melchite inside Encyclopedic “Code” of Arabic-Speaking Copt of XIII Century), in Seleznev N. N. Pax Christiana et Pax Islamica: Iz istorii mezhkonfessional'nyh svjazej na srednevekovom Blizhnem Vostoke, Moscow, 2014, pp. 33–42.
7. Seleznev N. N. Hristologija Assirijskoj Cerkvi Vostoka: Analiz osnovnyh materialov v kontekste istorii formirovanija verouchenija (Christology of the Assyrian Eastern Church: Analysis of Main Materials in Context of History of Doctrine Formation), Moscow, 2002.
8. Shanenko I. F. 2001 “Hristologicheskaja formula Nestorija v bogoslovii Babaja Velikogo” (Christological Formula of Nestorius in Theology of Babai the Great), in ΧΙ Ezhegodnaja Bogoslovskaja Konferencija PSTGU: Materialy 2001 g., Moscow, 2001, pp. 13–24.
9. Jang F. M. Ot Nikei do Halkidona: Vvedenie v grecheskuju patristicheskuju literaturu i ee istoricheskij kontekst (From Nicea to Chalcedon: Introduction to Greek Patristic Literature and Its Historical Context), Moscow, 2013.
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14. Chediath G. The Christology of Mar Babai the Great, Kottayam, 1982.
15. Chesnut R. A. 1978 “The Two Prosopa in Nestoius’ «Bazaar of Heracleides»”, in The Journal of Theological Studies, Oxford, 1978, vol. 29/2, pp. 392–409.
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19. Halleux A., de. 1994 “Nestorius: History and Doctrine”, in Syriac Dialogue 1: First Non-Official Consultation on Dialogue within the Syriac Tradition, Vienna, 1994, pp. 200–215.
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27. Sullivan F. A. The Christology of Theodore of Mopsuestia. Roma, 1956.
28. The Case Against Diodore and Theodore: Texts and their Contexts / J. Behr, ed., transl.
Oxford, 2011. (Oxford Early Christian Texts).
29. Vries W., de. 1951 “Die syrisch-nestorianische Haltung zu Chalkedon“, in Grillmeier A., Bacht H. (eds.) Das Konzil von Chalkedon. Geschichte und Gegenwart, Würzburg, 1951, vol. 1, pp. 603–635.

Zabolotnyi Evgenii

The article is devoted to a little-known Syrian saint of the VIIIth — IXth century Timothy of Kakhushta, whose hagiographical «dossier» comprises texts in Arabic and Georgian. The analysis of his Arabic Life clearly reveals that he was a stylite. Therefore his Life can be used as a source for studing the history of Syrian stylitism in the Muslim era as well as its reception in the hagiography. The fact that the author of Timothy’s Life gives no accent to the stylitism of the saint is also typical of the Byzantine hagiography of the same period. The narration of saint’s miracles which occupies more than a half of the text demonstrates the life of the Christian countryside in Syria in the early Abbasid Caliphate. One can also find two particularly important episodes in the Life. The fi rst one mentions Maronites as Monothelites and the second one is related to caliph Harun ar-Rashid and Theodoretus, patriarch of Antioch and has a parallel in the chronicle of Eutychius, patriarch of Alexandria.

Timothy of Kakhushta, stylite, Syrian stylitism, the Church of Antioch, saint’s Life, miracles, Arabic Melkite hagiography, Maronites, Theodoretus patriarch of Antioch, Harun ar-Rashid.

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2. Gabidzashvili Je. Perevodnye pamjatniki drevnegruzinskoj literatury: Bibliogr. sprav. (Translated Works of Old Georgian Literature: Bibliographical Reference), Tbilisi, 2004, vol. 1: Agiografija (Hagiography) (na gruz. jaz.).
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5. Mejendorf I., protopr. 1996 “Vizantijskie predstavlenija ob islame“ (Byzantian Perceptions about Islam), in Al'fa i Omega, Moscow, 1996, vol. 2/3 (9/10), pp. 131–140.
6. Moiseeva S. A. Arabskaja mel'kitskaja agiografija IX–XI vekov (Araboc Melchite Hagiography of IX–XI Centuries) (in print).
7. Rodionov M. A. Maronity: Iz jetnokonfessional'noj istorii Vostochnogo Sredizemnomor'ja (Maronites: from Ethnic-Confessional History of Eastern Mediterranean Region), Moscow, 1982.
8. Kekelidze K. (ed.) 1940 “Timofej Antiohijskij, neizvestnyj sirijskij dejatel' VIII v.” (Timothy of Antiochia, Unknown Syriac Figure of VIII Cent.), in Moambe (Vestnik), Tbilisi, 1940, vol. 7, pp. 9–150 (na gruz. jaz.).
9. Blake R. 1965 “La littérature grecque en Palestine au VIII e siècle“, in Le Muséon, Louvain, 1965, vol. 78, pp. 367–380.
10. Brayk, Mīkhā’īl. Al-HWaḳā’iḳ al-wafi yyah fī tārīkh baṭārikat al-Kanīsah al-Anṭākiyyah, Bayrūt, 2006.
11. Caseau B., Fayant M.-Ch. Le renouveau du culte des stylites syriens au Xe et Xie siècles? La Vie abrégée de Syméon Stylite le Jeune (BHG 1691c) (in print).
12. Delehaye H. Les saints stylites, Bruxelles, Paris, 1923 (Subsidia hagiographica, vol. 14).
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14. Lamoreaux J. 2009 “The Life of Timothy of Kakhushta”, in Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History, Leiden, 2009, vol. 1: 600–900, pp. 920–921.
16. Moosa M. The Maronites in History, Piscataway (N. J.), 2005.
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24. Schaсhner L. A. 1975 “The Archaeology of the Stylite”, in Religious Diversity in Late Antiquity, Leiden, 1975, pp. 329–400.
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27. Tūmā Bīṭār, archim. Al-KWiddisūn al-mansiyyūn fī al-turāth al-anṭākī, Bayrūt, 1995.

Milakovich Zhanna

The article is dedicated to the personal names occurring in the hitherto unknown Syriac manuscript from Taipei found in 1993 by mere chance. The language was identifi ed as Syriac. It turned to be a collection of the Syriac liturgical books (Hudra, Kashqol and Qdam wa d-wathar) bounded in one paper ms. The main problem in cataloguing personal names in the liturgical manuscripts is that there still is not a Personal names Dictionary of the Syriac tradition. The Thesaurus of Payne-Smith contains some names bur Brockelmann had resigned from including these into his Lexicon. There are however, some personal names indexes made by the scholars studying Syriac epigraphy from Central Asia and particularly Eastern Turkestan. The purpose of the present study is to investigate liturgical sources from A part of the liturgical ms contains prayers to the saints and martyrs whose names reflect cultic saints of the Syria-speaking Christians from China in the 10th–13th cc. There are three types of names: biblical ones, names of the martyrs and Saints, names of Syriac writers. Some martyr names testify to the cults of Mesopotamian martyrs in the Chinese Syriac Church. Some martyrs names, e. g. Mifrē are known only from epigraphic sources from Central Asia. Other like Abun still need identification. Of the latter category, the most interesting is the mysterious name of Sopholigos Hnanaya. The ms contains a memrā to the bride and bridegroom written by him.

Syriac, Eastern-Syriac, Nestorian, liturgy, lexicography, Uygur, calendar, Christianity in China.

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4. Brock S. 1995 “Bar Shabba“, in Tamcke M. (ed.) Mar Shabbay, First Bishop of Merv, in Syrisches Christentum Weltweit: Festschrift W. Hage, Münster, 1995, pp. 190–201.
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11. King D. 2009 “A Christian Qur’ān? A Study in the Syriac Background to the Language of the Qur’ān as Presented in the Work of Christoph Luxenberg”, in Journal of Late Antique Religion and Culture, Cardiff, 2009, vol. 3, pp. 44–71.
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16. Saeki Y. The Nestorian Documents and Relics in China, Tokyo, 1951.
17. Sims-Williams N. 1989 “Baršabbā”, in Encyclopaedia Iranica, London, Boston, 1989, vol. 3/8, p. 823.
18. Sokoloff M. A Syriac Lexicon: A Translation from the Latin, Correction, Expansion, and Update of C. Brockelmann’s Lexicon Syriacum. Winona Lake (Ind.), Piscataway (N. J.), 2009.
19. Taylor W. R. 1941 “Syriac Mss. Found in Peking, Ca. 1925”, in Journal of American Oriental Society, New Haven, 1941, vol. 61/2, pp. 91–97.
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Murav'ev Aleksei

Colophons of the Late Medieval Melkite manuscripts can be used as a valuable source of information about social and cultural life of the Christians in the Mamluk state. Manuscripts indicate level of intellectual activity, areas and dynamic of cultural development. There were two main centers of the manuscript production: the Sinai monastery of St. Catherine and town Kara at Calamun plateau. Books originated from Northern Syria, Palestine, Transjordan, even from Damascus are very rare. Most of the books copied in Calamun and Mount Lebanon regions were written on Syriac, not Arabic. Scholars often don’t realize bilingual Syro-Arabic nature of the Medieval Melkite culture of Bilad al-Sham. The dynamic of the manuscript writing reached its peak in the 13th century and after it rapidly declined. The article made an attempt to explain this process. Different factors were analyzed including social and economic development of the Mamluk Middle East, religious persecutions, plague epidemics, Mongol and Timur Leng invasions. Anyhow it is obvious that the 13th century, despite its political turbulence, was a golden age of the Melkite culture.

Arab Christian culture; Christian Orient; Manuscripts; Melkites; Mamluk state; Syriac language; Syria; Sinai.

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3. 2008 “Ekateriny velikomuchenicy monastyr' na Sinae. Rukopisi na sirijskom i drugih jazykah” (Monastery of Martyr Ekaterina in Sinai. Manuscripts on Syriac and Other Languages), in Pravoslavnaja jenciklopedija, Moscow, 2008, vol. 18, pp. 205–206.
4. Ibn Kasir. Al'-bidaja va-n-nihaja, Bejrut, 1982, vol. 7.
5. Mahtutat abrashijat Hums va-Hama va-l'-Ljazikija li-r-rum al'-urtuduks, Bejrut, 1994.
6. Morozov D. A. 2008 “Ekateriny Velikomuchenicy monastyr' na Sinae. Arabskie rukopisi” (Monastery of Martyr Ekaterina in Sinai. Arabic Manuscripts), in Pravoslavnaja jenciklopedija, Moscow, 2008, vol. 18, p. 203.
7. Panchenko K. A. 2008 “Ekateriny Velikomuchenicy monastyr' na Sinae. Istoricheskij ocherk“ (Monastery of Martyr Ekaterina in Sinai. Historical Survey), in Pravoslavnaja jenciklopedija, Moscow, 2008, vol. 18, pp. 170–184.
8. Panchenko K. A. 2013 “Pravoslavnye vrachi na Arabskom Vostoke“ (Orthodox Medics in Arabian Orient), in Vestnik PSTGU. Ser. III: Filologija, 2013, vol. 5/35, pp. 59–75.
9. Panchenko K. A. 2012 “Razorenie selenija Kara sultanom Bejbarsom v 1266 g. Istoricheskij kontekst“ (Ravage of Village Kara by Sultan Bejbars in 1266. Historical Context), in Vestnik PSTGU. Ser. III. Filologija, 2012, vol. 3/29, pp. 32–45.
10. Panchenko K. A. 2012 “Ritmy istorii Hristianskogo Vostoka“ (Rhythmus of History of Christian East), in Vestnik MGU. Ser. 13. Vostokovedenie, 2012, vol. 4, pp. 3–19.
11. Porfirij (Uspenskij), ep. Kniga bytija moego (Book of My Being), Saint-Petersburg, 1896, vol. 3.
12. Shejho L. 1902 “Hazain al'-kutub fi Dimashk va-Sajdanaja”, in al'-Mashrik, 1902, pp. 97–106.
13. Atiya A. S. The Arabic Manuscripts of Mount Sinai, Baltimore, 1955.
14. Troupeau G. (ed.) Catalogue des manuscrits arabes, Paris, 1972, vol. 1: Manuscrits chrétiens.
15. Hunt L. The Mingana and Related Collections: A Survey of Illustrated Arabic, Greek, Eastern Christian, Persian and Turkish Manuscripts in the Selly Oak Colleges, Birmingham, Birmingham, [s. a.].
16. Immerzeel M. 2003 “Divine Cavalry: Mounted Saints in Middle Eastern Christian Art”, in Ciggaar K., Teule H. (eds.) East and West in the Crusader States: Context — Contacts — Confrontations, Leiden, 2003, vol. 3, pp. 265–286 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, vol. 125).
17. Nasrallah J. Histoire du mouvement littéraire dans l’Eglise melchite du Ve au XXe siècle, Louvain, Paris, 1981, vol. 3/2.
18. Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum, London, 1870, vol. 1.

Panchenko Konstantin

This article discusses one of the most peculiar elements of the Diocletianic tradition in Coptic hagiographical texts which is unattested in any other historical sources — namely, the special connection between Diocletian and his favourite god, Apollo. It appears that the authors of Coptic texts used for re-creating the historical setting of the events of the Great Persecution not only the material provided in the works of Christian historiographers, such as Eusebius, Lactantius and John Malalas, but also homiletic and hymnographic material found in other sources. The descriptions of the Diocletian’s connection with Apollo in the Coptic texts contradict the historical evidence (Diocletian’s tutelary deity was Zeus, not Apollo); however, they evince their authors’ knowledge of the references to the cult of Apollo at Antioch in the works of the two most popular Antiochian authors of later period — John Chrysostom and Severus of Antioch. Their homilies in honour of St Babylas of Antioch have been known in Egypt from the relatively early stage and have obviously influenced the Coptic perception of Antioch as a centre of the cult of Apollo; one might also see the how these later episodes — the story of Julian the Apostate and the relics of St Babylas — were re-imagined and re-introduced by Coptic hagiographers into the martyr passions of the Diocletianic period.

Coptic hagiography, cycles, historiographia, homiletica, hymnographia, Diocletian, Apollo, Antiochia, John Chrysostom, Severus of Antioch.

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8. Corcoran S. 2012 “Before Constantine”, in Lenski N. (ed.) The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine, New York, 2012, pp. 35–58.
9. Crum W. E. 1902 “Eusebius and Coptic Church Histories”, in Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, 1902, vol. 24, pp. 68–84.
10. Crum W. E. Theological Texts from Coptic Papyri, Oxford, 1913.
11. Downey G. A History of Antioch: From Seleucus to the Arab Conquest, Princeton, 1961.
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14. Fiey J. M. 1972/1973 “Coptes et Syriaques: Contacts et Échanges”, in Studia Orientalia Christiana Collectanea, Cairo, 1972/1973, vol. 15, pp. 295–365.
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16. Lemm O von. Koptische Fragmente zur Patriarchengeschichte Alexandriens, Saint-Petersburg, 1888.
17. Lieu S. N. C. The Emperor Julian: Panegyric and Polemic, Liverpool, 1989.
18. MacCoull L. S. B., Worp K. A. 1990 “The Era of the Martyrs”, in Miscellanea papyrologica in occasione del bicentenario dell’edizione della Charta Borgiana, Florence, 1990, vol. 2, pp. 375–408.
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20. Mayer W., Allen P. The Churches of Syrian Antioch (300–638 CE), Leuven, 2012.
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Rogozhina Anna

In the present article its author examines the contents, a presumable origin and linguistic peculiarities of the Arab Orthodox verison of the hagiographic story about Hasan the Israelite, the pious wife of a rich merchant, who more than once was running a fatal danger in order to save her honour from sexual harassments of sinners and by the end of her life became a saint anchoress endowed with the gift of healing. An hypothetical relation of the main plot of the story with Hellenistic romance as well as with the totally rethought Ancient Egyptian Tale of two Brothers is demonstrated. As a result of a linguistic analysis of that hagiographic work an obvious infl uence of the SyroPalestinian dialect of the Arabic language was elucidated. An edition of that story which has not been published yet, enclosed to the article, is based on its two copies, kept in Bucharest and in Paris respectively.

1. Banshhikova A. A. Zhenskie obrazy v hudozhestvennyh proizvedenijah Drevnego Egipta (Woman Images in Fiction Works of Ancient Egypt), Moscow, 2009.
2. Korobejnikova L. N. 2005 “Galaktion i Epistimija” (Galaktion and Epistimija), in PJe, Moscow, 2005, vol. 10, pp. 291–292.
3. Franguljan L. R. 2014 “Drevneegipetskie rudimenty v koptskoj literature” (Ancient Egyptian Rudiments in Coptic Literature), in Vostok. Afroaziatskie obshhestva: istorija i sovremennost', 2014, vol. 1, pp. 90–96.
4. Francuzov S. A. 2012 “Arabskij pravoslavnyj agiograficheskij sbornik iz Biblioteki Rumynskoj akademii i problema proishozhdenija zaveta svjatomu” (Arabian Orthodox Hagiographical Collection from the Library of Rumanian Academy and Problem of Origin of Testament to the Holy), in Vestnik PSTGU. Ser. III. Filologija, 2012, vol. 3/29, pp. 57–72.
5. Francuzov S. A. 2013 “«Chudo Bogorodicy v Atribe»: tekstologicheskie osobennosti i specifika soderzhanija” (“Miracle of God Mother in Atrib: Textual Features and Specific of Content”), in Vestnik PSTGU. Ser. III: Filologija, 2013, vol. 5/35, pp. 97–108.
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Frantsuzov Sergei

The date of death of the Archdeacon Paul of Aleppo, son of Patriarch Macarius of Antioch, known from the Russian translation of the Patriarch’s letter to A. Matveev, as occurred in Tiflis on February 30, 1669, appears to be wrong. But is it possible to remove it on January 30, a month earlier, as B. L. Fonkič proposed? From Macarius’ letter to the Patriarch of Moscow, Joasaph, it is known that Paul died on the way from Russia to Syria a month later after the arrival of travelers to Tiflis. The date of it, January 1, 1669 was transmitted by the employees of the Bureau of ambassadors according to the words of Macarius’ envoy, a Greek Yannakis. However several other sources, as it seems, disaccord with the suggestion of the earlier date of Paul’s death. First of all it is the fact that Yannakis, coming to Moscow, handed there the Patriarch’s letters written on February 4, 1669. They say nothing about Paul’s death. In the same time the letters written in July and August of the same year, sent with the next Macarius’ envoys, reveal the Patriarch’s profound grief caused by his son’s death. Reconsideration of all the existing sources concerning the stay of Macarius in Tiflis in 1669 and his correspondence with Moscow permits to premise that, most likely, Paul died in the end of February 1669.

Patriarch of Antioch Macarius III Ibn al-Zaʽim, Paul of Aleppo, Christian East, Georgia, Tiflis (Tbilisi), Russia, Syria, Oriental Orthodox church, Greek acts, palaeography.

1. Vladimir (Filantropov), arhim. Sistematicheskoe opisanie rukopisej moskovskoj Sinodal'noj (patriarshej) biblioteki (Systematic Description of Manuscripts of Moscow Synodal (Patriarch’s) Library), Moscow, 1894, vol. 1: Rukopisi grecheskija (Greek Manuscripts).
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4. Murkos G. A. 2005 “Predislovie perevodchika k pjatomu vypusku” (Introduction of Translator to 5th Volume), in Pavel Aleppskij. Puteshestvie antiohijskogo patriarha Makarija v Rossiju v polovine XVII veka, opisannoe ego synom, arhidiakonom Pavlom Aleppskim, Moscow, 2005, pp. 547–549.
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6. Panchenko K. A. Blizhnevostochnoe pravoslavie pod osmanskim vladychestvom. Pervye tri stoletija: 1516–1831 (Orthodoxy in Near East under Osman Reign. First Three Ages: 1516–1831), Moscow, 2012.
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8. Fonkich B. L. 2003 “Ioann Sakulis. Stranichka iz istorii uchastija grekov v dele patriarha Nikona” (John Saculis. Page from History of Greek Participation in Case of Patriarch Nikon), in Grecheskie rukopisi i dokumenty v Rossii v XIV — nachale XVIII v., Moscow, 2003, vol. 19, pp. 323–332.
9. Fonkich B. L. 2009 “O date konchiny Pavla Aleppskogo” (About Death Date of Paul of Aleppo), in Ocherki feodal'noj Rossii, Moscow, Saint-Petersburg, 2009, vol. 13, pp. 289–292.
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14. Tchentsova V. 2014 “Les artisans grecs des projets culturels du patriarche Macaire III d’Antioche”, in Revue des études sud-est européennes, 2014, vol. 52, pp. 315–346.
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Chentsova Vera

Frantsuzov Sergei

Frangulian Liliia