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Рогожина А. А. Диоклетиан и Аполлон в Антиохийском цикле. Источники и методы коптских агиографов // Вестник ПСТГУ. Серия III: Филология. 2014. Вып. 5 (40). С. 78-88. DOI: 10.15382/sturIII201440.78-88
This article discusses one of the most peculiar elements of the Diocletianic tradition in Coptic hagiographical texts which is unattested in any other historical sources — namely, the special connection between Diocletian and his favourite god, Apollo. It appears that the authors of Coptic texts used for re-creating the historical setting of the events of the Great Persecution not only the material provided in the works of Christian historiographers, such as Eusebius, Lactantius and John Malalas, but also homiletic and hymnographic material found in other sources. The descriptions of the Diocletian’s connection with Apollo in the Coptic texts contradict the historical evidence (Diocletian’s tutelary deity was Zeus, not Apollo); however, they evince their authors’ knowledge of the references to the cult of Apollo at Antioch in the works of the two most popular Antiochian authors of later period — John Chrysostom and Severus of Antioch. Their homilies in honour of St Babylas of Antioch have been known in Egypt from the relatively early stage and have obviously influenced the Coptic perception of Antioch as a centre of the cult of Apollo; one might also see the how these later episodes — the story of Julian the Apostate and the relics of St Babylas — were re-imagined and re-introduced by Coptic hagiographers into the martyr passions of the Diocletianic period.
Coptic hagiography, cycles, historiographia, homiletica, hymnographia, Diocletian, Apollo, Antiochia, John Chrysostom, Severus of Antioch.

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2. Lur'e V. M. Vvedenie v kriticheskuju agiografiju (Introduction to Critical Hagiography), Saint-Petersburg, 2009.
3. Allen P., Hayward C. T. R. Severus of Antioch, London, 2004.
4. Bagnall R. S., Worp K. A. 2004 “The Era of Diocletian and of the Martyrs”, in Chronological Systems of Byzantine Egypt, Leiden, 2004, pp. 66–87.
5. Baumeister Th. Martyr Invictus: der Martyrer als Sinnbild der Erlösung in der Legende und im Kult der frühen koptischen Kirche, Münster, 1972.
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11. Downey G. A History of Antioch: From Seleucus to the Arab Conquest, Princeton, 1961.
12. Delehaye H. Cinq leçons sur la méthode hagiographique, Bruxelles, 1934.
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17. Lieu S. N. C. The Emperor Julian: Panegyric and Polemic, Liverpool, 1989.
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24. Orlandi T. 1985 “Nuovi frammenti della Historia Ecclesiastica Copta”, in Studi in onore di Edda Bresciani, Pisa, 1985, pp. 363–384.
25. Orlandi T. (ed.) Storia della Chiesa di Alessandria, Milan, Varese, 1968–1970.
26. Papaconstantinou A. Le culte des saints en Égypte des Byzantins aux Abbassides. L’apport des sources papyrologiques et épigraphiques grecques et coptes, Paris, 2001.
27. Papaconstantinou A. 2006 “Historiography, Hagiography, and the Making of the Coptic «Church of the Martyrs» in Early Islamic Egypt”, in Dumbarton Oaks Papers, Washington, Cambridge, 2006, vol. 60, pp. 65–86.
28. Potter D. S. The Roman Empire at Bay: AD 180–395, New York, 2005.
29. Williams S. Diocletian and the Roman Recovery, London, 1985.
30. Wüstenfeld H. F. Synaxarium, das ist Heiligen-Kalender der coptischen Christen, Gotha, 1879.
31. Youssef Y. N. 1989 “La genèse d’une légende copte sur l’enfance du roi Dioclétien“, in Bulletin de la Société d’Archéologie Copte, Cairo, 1989, vol. 28, pp. 107–109.
Рогожина А. А. Желчь дракона, змеиный яд и неожиданное использование трупов: описания магии в коптской агиографии // Вестник ПСТГУ. Серия III: Филология. 2016. Вып. 4 (49). С. 75-86. DOI: 10.15382/sturIII201649.75-86
Stories of martyrs’ victories over magic and its practitioners usually represented as a magical duel between a martyr and a magician enjoyed great popularity in Coptic hagiography. The outcome of a magic contest was always predictable: a magician either converted to Christianity or continued to fight against the martyr and died an infamous death. These highly popular textual units — descriptions of conversions or continued resistance — are so standardised that it is difficult to assess the directions of the textual transmission; very often such descriptions coincide in different passions nearly verbatim. Another standard feature of Coptic martyr stories is how these texts represent magicians and magic rituals. In this article I argue that the immense popularity of these narratives refl ects a genuine concern on the part of the Church authorities about some lingering pagan practices which had made their way into Christian lifestyle and that certain features of these narratives have a didactic, not only entertaining, function.
Coptic hagiography, cycles, magic, Egypt

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22. Janowitz N. Magic in the Roman World: Pagans, Jews, and Christians. London, 2001.
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26. Li Donnici L. R. Beans, Fleawort, and the Blood of a Hamadryas Baboon: Recipe Ingredients in Greco-Roman Magical Materials // Magic and Ritual in the Ancient World / Meyer M. W., Mirecki P. A., eds. Leiden, 2002. P. 359‒377.
27. Magic and Ritual in the Ancient World / Meyer M. W., Mirecki P. A., eds. Leiden, 2002.
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29. Maguire H. Byzantine Magic. Washington, Dumbarton Oaks, 1995.
30. Minnen P. van. The Earliest Account of a Martyrdom in Coptic // Analecta Bollandiana 113. 1995. P. 13‒38.
31. O’Leary D. L. The Saints of Egypt. L., 1937.
32. Peters E. The Magician, the Witch and the Law. University of Pennsylvania, 1978.
33. Rives J. B. Magic, Religion, and Law: The Case of the Lex Cornelia de sicariis et venefi ciis // Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome / Ando C., Rupke J., eds. Stuttgart, 2006. P. 47‒67.
34. Rogozhina A. A ‘tour of hell’ in the Martyrdom of St Philotheus of Antioch // Coptic Society, Literature and Religion from Late Antiquity to Modern Times. Proceedings of the Tenth International Congress of Coptic Studies, Rome, September 17th‒22nd, 2012, and Plenary Reports of the Ninth International Congress of Coptic Studies, Cairo, September 15th‒19th, 2008 / Buzi P., Camplani A., Contardi F., eds. Louvain, 2016. P. 1129‒1136.
35. Schenke G. Das koptischhagiographische Dossier des Heiligen Kolluthos, Arzt, Martyrer und Wunderheiler. Louvain, 2013.
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37. Wortley J. Some Light on Magic and Magicians // Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 42. 1991. P. 298‒307.
Рогожина А. А. XI Международный конгресс коптских исследований (Клэрмонтский университет, Калифорния, США) // Вестник ПСТГУ. Серия III: Филология. 2016. Вып. 4 (49). С. 157-159.
Рогожина А. А. Гимнографические свидетельства «обмена святыми» между Египтом и Сирией в первом тысячелетии н. э. // Вестник ПСТГУ. Серия III: Филология. 2019. Вып. 61. С. 93-103. DOI: 10.15382/sturIII201961.93-103
This article discusses a process that may be defi ned as an “exchange of saints” between Egypt and Syria in the second half of the fi rst millennium. Coptic synaxaria and liturgical books contain commemorations not only of the local martyrs who were born and suff ered in Egypt, but also a great number of commemorations of foreign saints who later became appropriated by the Coptic Church, such as a group of the so-called Antiochene saints whose relics were claimed to belong to Egypt, either because these saints were martyred in Egypt or because the relics had been transferred to Egypt at some point. The presence of these saints in early hymnographic collections, preserved in two manuscripts of the 9th century (M574 and M575 of the Pierpont Morgan Library), provides ample evidence of the continuing and lasting interest of the Egyptian Christians in Antiochene saints. Such enthusiasm could probably be explained by the work of Severus of Antioch (465‒538) who did much in order to promote the exchange of saints between the two communities. The article also examines the seeming absence of reciprocity on the Syrian side and reviews the evidence provided by the early material, such as the hymns attributed to Severus of Antioch, which came down to us in Syriac translation revised by James of Edessa in the 7th century. One of these texts, a hymn dedicated to the Egyptian martyrs, is of particular interest with regard to the “exchange of saints” and shows that the process was in fact reciprocal.
hymnography, hagiography, cycles, Severus of Antioch, St. Menas, contacts, appropriation, Egypt, Syria, martyrs, manuscripts
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Rogozhina Anna
Academic Degree: PhD in Philosophy;
Place of work: National Research University “Higher School of Economics”; 21/4 Staraia Basmannaia, Moscow 119017, Russian Federation;
ORCID: 0000-0003-4311-5257;
Email: anrogozh@gmail.com.
Рогожина А. А. [Review] // Вестник ПСТГУ. Серия III: Филология. 2019. Вып. 61. С. 153-157. — Rev. op.: The Oxford Illustrated History of Witchcraft and Magic / O. Davis, ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017. 328 p.
Rogozhina Anna
Academic Degree: PhD in Philosophy;
Place of work: National Research University “Higher School of Economics”; 21/4 Staraia Basmannaia, Moscow 119017, Russian Federation;
ORCID: 0000-0003-4311-5257;
Email: anrogozh@gmail.com.
Рогожина А. А. Заклинание или молитва? Магические сборники в армянской христианской традиции: проблемы содержания и интерпретации // Вестник ПСТГУ. Серия III: Филология. 2021. Вып. 69. С. 87-105. DOI: 10.15382/sturIII202169.87-105
This paper discusses the main types of magical miscellanies in the Armenian manuscript culture, their contents, evolution, and interpretation in the Armenian Christian tradition and in the scholarship of the 20th-21st centuries. Despite the canonical and theological ‘war against magic’ witnessed in various medieval sources from the fifth century onwards, the extermination of magical practices amongst Armenian Christians did not really take place as is witnessed by a very large number of manuscripts that might be called ‘written amulets’ or ‘magical miscellanies’, two highly popular and resilient types of text compilations. Hand-written amulets, hmayils, in the form of highly decorated and illuminated scrolls, designed for private use and travel, came into use in the fifteenth century. They contained prayers, Gospel readings, images of saints and depictions of Bible stories, and sometimes, also magical formulas and signs to ward off evil eye and demons. The other type of miscellanies, axtarq or Kiprianos, usually in the form of a codex, contained astrological treatises and tables, mixed with excerpts from the Gospels, prayers, spells, and images of demons. Judging by the contents and accompanying images in both types one might suggest that Armenian Church turned (a more or less) blind eye on the scrolls production due to their relative acceptability for a Christian, while the second type was seen as continuation of an ancient astrological tradition connected with the Greco-Roman inheritance in the Armenian culture.
magic, Armenia, handwritten amulets, axtarq, Kiprianos, magical miscellany, manuscripts, astrology, characteres, Hovhannes Mandakuni
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  25. Waller D. J. (2019) “Curious Characters, Invented Scripts, and... Charlatans? “Pseudo-Scripts” in the Mesopotamian Magic Bowls”. Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 2019, vol. 78, pp. 119–139.
  26. Wingate J. S. (1930) “The Scroll of Cyprian: An Armenian Family Amulet”. Folklore, 1930, vol. 41, no. 2, pp. 169–187.
Rogozhina Anna
Academic Degree: PhD in Philosophy;
Place of work: National Research University “Higher School of Economics”; 21/4 Staraia Basmannaia, Moscow 119017, Russian Federation;
ORCID: 0000-0003-4311-5257;
Email: anrogozh@gmail.com.